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Our country suffered a military coup a year after the formation of the First National Government. Many interests moved the men who made up the First Board and their ideas were not republican in all cases. There was a conservative movement that inaugurated a dark tradition in 1811: the armed uprising.
The possibility of seeing Joaquina Carlota de Borbón, sister of Fernando VII, as queen of Spanish America, was crazy. However, the rumor grew during the days before the revolution. No one kept talking about the much-cited American Queen. Definitely Cornelio Saavedra could not agree with Cisneros regarding this matter, because the viceroy's request was in itself unsustainable. While we must admit that there is no evidence of a clear agreement between the two men, it is true that Saavedra also did not keep the secret that Joaquina involved. The situation was tense and the Creoles sought to separate from Spain. There was not much else to clarify. The inaccuracies regarding the fate of Ferdinand VII had created an encouraging current within the United Provinces. At the same time, the capture of Madrid was still functional in the local independence airs.
The power of the peninsula decreased dramatically. There was an institution that called itself the Junta de Sevilla, although it had once had its headquarters in Cádiz. During the French invasion, this was the only solution that the Spaniards found in order to maintain realistic aspirations in their own territories (which included overseas colonies).
In 1861, the author Luis Domínguez in his "Argentine History", contributed a series of outstanding names and circumstances that are part of our social memory. He called the events that decided the fate of the United Provinces of the South during 1810, the Week of May. Precisely I would point out that between 18 and 25 of that month, special circumstances had occurred that explained how the revolution against the Junta de Sevilla was carried out.
In a very suggestive section, Dominguez talks about Martín Rodríguez, a certain career soldier whose father had been captain of Chascomús in the time of Viceroy Arredondo. To get to understand the importance of this man, Dominguez explains how he began his career being in 1810, an unconditional defender of Cornelio Saavedra. Despite this, Rodriguez held Castelli in high esteem and even had long conversations with Manuel Belgrano. As expected, he despotically ignored Mariano Moreno. Could it be otherwise? The Saavedra faction was very numerous among the revolutionaries.
The "morenista intellectuals" intended to cut off all kinds of relationship with the representation of Ferdinand VII and use the Saavedrista militia as a war ram to tear down the Viceroyalty. We had to demolish Cisneros and install republican values without nuances. Consequently, for Moreno and his followers (disparagingly called "radicals") Rodriguez and Saavedra's conversations with the royalist administration were dangerously close to betrayal.
There are doubts about the factions that divided the First Board, but in the case of Rodriguez it is clear how internal fractures came to remove certain characters from positions of power.
Of course, there were innumerable indications of the recognition that citizens had towards Martín Rodríguez. However, such treatment took place only after the death of Moreno at sea in 1811 and the death of Manuel Belgrano, which occurred in 1820. It seems that the creator of the flag, soon removed him from the circles of Buenos Aires influence, asking for his presence in the northeastern provinces to help in the submission of Paraguay to the government of Buenos Aires.
Rodriguez, hero for some and villain for others, did not stand still. Showing dedication, fidelity and courage in the struggles that developed at the time in Entre Ríos, he was appointed Colonel.
Just then, there was a very unfortunate situation for the country's recent institutionality. Returned to Buenos Aires, Rodriguez took the wrong step. He participated in the Armed Uprising against the morenistas and joined Saavedra in the fight against what he himself called "the radical wicked." Therefore, it is easy to observe that the history of the free Argentines of Spain, endured already in 1811 (exactly on February 5) a Military Coup that claimed to defend the true republic. A chilling paradox.
It is also suggestive to propose how the figure of Cornelio Saavedra was gradually purified in the collective imaginary. While Rodriguez, on the other hand, ended up being overshadowed by historians stealing ten years of his life. Perhaps because of this disturbing game carried out by the scholarship of the 19th century, Luis Domínguez avoided including the colonel among the heroes of May. His image blurred and his intervention in that key week of 1810 was silenced in the basic training books. It silently adjusted to certain official records within the nation's historical archives.
Dominguez says about him: after the hateful episodes of February 5, he was forced to a long retreat in San Juan. Anyway, he adds that, after a while, reaching agreements whose origin escapes our perspective, he won the devotion of the insipient Buenos Aires aristocracy and the estates of the Salado River, Cruz Alta, Arroyo del Monje, Barrancas, Las Sierras, Bragado and The hills. Unexpectedly, these groups demanded from the national authorities Rodriguez's presence in the conduct of their territories.
Despite the rejection of the First Board and the antipathy that the subsequent Board of Representatives came to have, during another institutional crisis in 1820, this very enigmatic man became the Governor of the Province of Buenos Aires. At that time, his leadership was described as a “happy experience,” leaving behind the Military Rising of 1811. He managed to eradicate the Indians of Dolores, Parchment and Tandil, a city he founded by repelling the Yanquetruz chieftain. In addition, he finally managed to get the provinces to pay taxes in favor of Buenos Aires by creating the conditions for the Head of Goliath, described by Ezequiel Martínez Estrada, to begin to take shape.
Argentina had inaugurated a dark and dangerous path, where clandestine and anti-federal agreements allowed shady, silent and uncomfortable characters to take over the power that the republic was not able to hold.
Publication Date: 05/05/2019
es una información que me dieron en el profesorado y me quería morir cuando me enteré. Ahora vuelvo a verla. Cuando aparecen fuentes..... es porque hay verdad. Gracias profe
ME INTRIGA LA HISTORIA DEL PADRE DE RODRIGUEZ. ¿SERÁ POR ESO QUE EN CHASCOMÚS HAY CASTILLOS EN RUINAS? LOS CONOCEN? ES FACIL: QUERIAN HACER DE LA LLANURA BONAERENSE UNA UNA CAMPIÑA EUROPEA. PROFESOR, GRACIAS POR LA NOTA. COMO SIEMPRE SOBRESALIENTE. PODRÍA DEDICARLE UN CAPITULO A CHASCOMÚS? GRACIAS
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